2024 was an alarming year regarding the dramatic increase in various forms of violence and obstruction against media critical of the Georgian Dream. This year, around 200 cases of verbal and physical violence, as well as intimidation and attempts to silence media representatives in different ways, were documented, 80% of which occurred in the last two months alone. The number of publicly recorded incidents of violence against journalists in 2024 is nearly five times higher [1] than in 2023.

Particularly notable are the cases of violence against journalists covering pro-European protests across Georgia in the past month. Since November 28, the start of the pro-European demonstrations, non-governmental organizations have documented more than 90 [2] cases of violations of media representatives' rights. These included targeted attacks, severe physical injuries, unlawful detentions, fines, deliberate damage to equipment, illegal interference with journalistic activities, injuries caused by tear gas, sprays, and water cannons, threats, and insults.

During the coverage of a pro-European protest, so-called “titushki” (government-sponsored provocateurs), encouraged by the ruling party, brutally assaulted TV Pirveli journalist Maka Chikhladze and her cameraman Giorgi Shetsiruli live on air. Additionally, Formula TV journalist Guram Rogava suffered serious head injuries from a targeted shove by a riot officer and was hospitalized. Rogava is still undergoing rehabilitation. Many other journalists and camera operators were severely injured and required medical assistance during the protests. October 26, the day of the parliamentary elections, was also a difficult day for journalists. According to Media Checker, the work of 70 media representatives was obstructed [3]on that day.

Transparency International Georgia requested information again this year regarding statistics on crimes committed against journalists and the legal responses to them. According to the Special Investigation Service, from January 1 to November 30, 2024, investigations were initiated into 16 criminal cases related to alleged unlawful interference in journalists' professional activities, of which 9 cases are still under investigation. Meanwhile, the Prosecutor General's Office initiated criminal prosecutions against 7 individuals, while investigations into one case were terminated. It is not clear from the response of Special Investigation Service whether the investigation of any cases was completed or whether the perpetrators were punished.

Violence Against Journalists and Media Outlets Is Divided Into Five Main Categories:

1. Examples of Open Attacks on Media Representatives:

In addition to the above-mentioned cases:

• In January, police physically assaulted [4] four journalists (Rati Ratiani, Natia Karchiladze, Ani Giorgadze and Giorgi Arobelidze) from the online outlet Broadcaster while covering a protest on Kekelidze Street in Tbilisi.
• In March, TV 25 journalists (Teo Putkaradze and Gera Kiladze) were attacked [5]in Batumi, and professional activities were obstructed [6] for TOK TV journalist (Misho Darbaidze) during the same month.
• In April, during coverage of protests against the so-called “Russian Law”, representatives of the Ministry of Internal Affairs physically assaulted [7] and obstructed the journalistic activities of journalists from online outlets Publika, Tabula, and April (Aleksandre Keshelashvili, Giorgi Badridze and Giorgi Baskhauri).
• In July, Mtavari Arkhi journalist Lado Menabde was attacked [8] and subjected to verbal and physical abuse. That same month, a crew from TV Monitoring was attacked [9].
• In October, the deputy head of the municipal N(N)LE^[1] in Rustavi, Karlo Nodia, obstructed [10]the journalistic activities of a journalist Ketevan Mosiava from the publication QvemoQartli.ge.
• In November, at a protest against election fraud, police physically assaulted [11]a journalist Mindia Gabadze from Publika and obstructed the journalistic activities of reporters from OC Media and Netgazeti – Mariam Nikuradze and Givi Avaliani.
• In December, during a protest in Batumi, a representative of the Ministry of Internal Affairs physically assaulted [12]the editor of the online outlet Batumelebi, Eter Turadze. In Tbilisi, masked individuals attacked [13]photographer Giorgi Mosiasvhili. In Poti, activist and journalist Eliso Janashia was attacked [14].

2. Unlawful Detentions and Fines of Journalists:

• In January, during coverage of a protest on Kekelidze Street in Tbilisi, online outlet Mtis Ambebi editor and journalist Gela Mtivlishvili was unlawfully detained [15] and fined [16].
• In August, Azerbaijani investigative journalist Afgan Sadigov was detained [17] by law enforcement, and later, the court approved his extradition to Azerbaijan.
• In November, on Melikishvili Street in Tbilisi, during protests against election fraud, law enforcement physically assaulted and detained [11]a cameraman Sergi Baramidze from Mtavari Arkhi.
• In December, during a pro-European protest, law enforcement unlawfully detained and later fined [18]Mtavari Arkhi journalist and anchor Beka Khorishia 2,200 GEL.
• Also in December, during coverage of a protest march in Zugdidi, the director of the local TV station Metskhre Talgha and co-chair of the Georgian Regional Broadcasters Alliance, Gia Salia, was fined [19] 1,000 GEL for driving his car.

3. Attempts to Threaten, Pressure, and Intimidate Journalists:

• In February, an unidentified person threw [20] flammable liquid and fuel into the office of the newspaper Alioni in Ozurgeti. According to the editor, Nugzar Asatiani, the room caught fire, but the flames did not spread due to damp conditions.
• Also in February, Parliament Speaker Shalva Papuashvili questioned [21] the legitimacy of Mtis Ambebi editor Gela Mtivlishvili’s selection as a finalist for a European Union award and inquired about the competition commission’s judges.
• In March, unidentified individuals broke into the Ozurgeti residence of a TV Pirveli journalist Nato Gogelia and damaged [22]property.
• In August, the Georgian Dream party criticized [23] Radio Liberty over an interview conducted with Heidi Tagliavini, the head of the international investigative commission studying the August 2008 war.
• In September, Central Election Commission Chair Giorgi Kalandarishvili accused TV Pirveli of unlawfully processing election officials' personal data numerous times. The accusation was perceived [24] as a threat by TV Pirveli news director Nodar Meladze.
• In September, an unidentified individual attempted to break into [25] the home of Sulkhan Meskhidze the founder of the outlet Adjara Times.
• In October, now illegitimate Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze accused [26] the opposition party Lelo of financing TV Pirveli with "black money."

4. Use of Parliamentary Accreditation Rules Against the Media

• In April, during discussions on the so-called “Russian Law,” the so-called "yellow security level" was implemented [22]in Parliament, which restricted the entry and journalistic activities of online media representatives in the legislative body. This occurred at a time when the legislative initiative directly concerned non-governmental organizations as well as online media.
• In June, at the request of Georgian Dream MP Nino Tsilosani, journalists from Mtavari Arkhi [27] and Formula [28] Nini Balanchivade and Sopo Gozalishvili were banned from entering Parliament for periods of one and six months. In the same month, based on statements [29] from two other parliamentary majority MPs, the accreditation of journalists [30] from TV Pirveli Nata Kadjaia and Maka Chikhladze was also revoked.
• In June, journalists from online media outlets were denied [31] access to cover the Prime Minister's parliamentary address.
• In November, the reintroduction of the so-called "yellow security level" resulted in an indefinite restriction [32] on online media representatives entering Parliament. This restriction was lifted [33] on December 12.

5. Use of Justice Against the Media

• In April, the Tbilisi City Court recognized TV Pirveli journalist Sopho Niauri, rather than the media outlet itself, as the proper respondent in a defamation lawsuit initiated by former Minister of Internal Affairs Alexander Chikaidze. This decision contravenes legislative norms and suggests [34] an attempt to intimidate the journalist.
• In July, Tbilisi Mayor and Georgian Dream Secretary General Kakha Kaladze, along with David Patsatsia, the brother-in-law of Georgia's now illegitimate Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze, simultaneously demanded [35] the enforcement of court rulings against TV Pirveli.

This year, the negative role of the Communications Commission against critical broadcasters became increasingly evident [36], particularly during the pre-election period. During this time, the commission, based on complaints from Georgian Dream, issued numerous contested violation protocols against television stations critical of the government. These protocols led to court-imposed fines. The Media Ombudsman also criticized the Communications Commission's activities, stating that the commission, along with the courts, acted as "accomplices in punishing critical media outlets once again during the election period." While the Communications Commission did issue a few violation protocols against pro-government broadcasters during the pre-election period, these measures were insufficient to balance the irreparable damage caused to critical television stations and the overall pre-election environment by the commission's decisions.

Notably, in 2024, the trend of denying entry to foreign journalists persisted. This year, several foreign journalists who sought to cover ongoing events in Georgia were refused entry without justification.

The frequent attacks, threats, obstruction of professional activities, intimidation, and attempts to discredit journalists clearly illustrate the ruling power’s lack of political will to improve the media environment and ensure safe working conditions for journalists. Moreover, the failure to investigate crimes against media representatives and the impunity of perpetrators create the perception that such actions are encouraged and sanctioned by the authorities.

The inability and ineffective functioning of state institutions to combat crimes against the media provide a clear example of state capture, where various branches of government, concentrated around a single party, are used solely to consolidate the power of that party. This is in stark contrast to their primary purpose, which is to serve the interests of society impartially.